Президентские выборы в Афганистане 2009 г.

This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these messages) This article needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (July 2017) This article may be too long to read and navigate comfortably. When this tag was added, its readable prose size was 16,700 words. Consider splitting content into sub-articles, condensing it, or adding subheadings. Please discuss this issue on the article's talk page. (August 2011) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

Президентские выборы в Афганистане 2009 г.

←  2004 20 августа 2009 г. 2014  →

Номинант Хамид Карзай Абдулла Абдулла Вечеринка Независимый Единый национальный фронт Народное голосование 2,283,907 1,406,242 Процент 49,67% 30,59%

Результаты по провинциям

Президент перед выборами Хамид Карзай Независимый Избранный президент Хамид Карзай Независимый

Politics of Afghanistan
Constitution Taliban Islamic Movement Loya jirga ("Grand assembly") Human rights Human Rights Commission LGBT rights Treatment of women by the Taliban
Government Supreme Leader (list) Hibatullah Akhundzada (decrees) Prime Minister Hasan Akhund (acting) Deputy Leader Sirajuddin Haqqani (first) Mullah Yaqoob (second) Abdul Ghani Baradar (third) Deputy Prime Minister Abdul Ghani Baradar (acting, first) Abdul Salam Hanafi (acting, second) Abdul Kabir (acting, third) Leadership Council Cabinet
Judiciary Law of Afghanistan Supreme Court Chief Justice Abdul Hakim Haqqani Deputy chief justices Mohammad Qasim Rasikh (first) Sheikh Abdul Malik (second) Capital punishment
Law enforcement Ministry of Justice Minister: Abdul Hakim Haqqani (acting) Ministry of Interior Affairs Minister: Sirajuddin Haqqani (acting) Afghan National Police Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice Minister: Mohammad Khalid (acting) Attorney General Shamsulldin Shariati (acting)
Administrative divisions Provinces Governors Districts Subdistricts
Elections Recent elections Presidential: 2014 2019 Parliamentary: 2010 2018 Political parties
Foreign relations Ministry of Foreign Affairs Acting Minister: Amir Khan Muttaqi (trips) Ambassadors Diplomatic missions of / in Afghanistan Nationality law Passport Visa requirements Visa policy Recognition of the Islamic Emirate Afghanistan and the United Nations
Afghanistan portal Other countries
v t e

Президентские выборы состоялись в Афганистане 20 августа 2009 года. ^[1] Выборы завершились победой действующего президента Хамида Карзая , который получил 49,7% голосов, а его главный соперник Абдулла Абдулла занял второе место с 30,6% голосов.

Выборы характеризовались отсутствием безопасности, низкой явкой избирателей, низкой осведомленностью людей об избирательном процессе, широко распространенными вбросами бюллетеней, запугиваниями и другими избирательными мошенничествами. ^{[2] [3] [4]} Второй тур голосования, объявленный под сильным давлением США и союзников, изначально был запланирован на 7 ноября 2009 года, но отменен после того, как Абдулла отказался участвовать, а Хамид Карзай был объявлен президентом на очередной пятилетний срок. ^{[3] [4]}

Выборы были вторыми по конституции 2004 года и проводились в тот же день, что и выборы на 34 места в провинциальном совете . Талибы призвали бойкотировать выборы, назвав их «программой крестоносцев » и « этим американским процессом ». ^{[5] [6] [7]}

Согласно конституции 2004 года , выборы должны были быть проведены не позднее, чем за 60 дней до окончания срока полномочий президента Карзая в июле 2009 года. Независимая избирательная комиссия (НИК) первоначально рекомендовала провести выборы одновременно с парламентскими выборами 2010 года, чтобы сэкономить средства. Однако политики в стране не смогли договориться о деталях. ^[8] Опасения по поводу доступности горных районов весной 2009 года и возможности доставить к тому времени достаточное количество людей и материалов привели к тому, что НИК объявила, что выборы будут отложены до августа 2009 года.

Оппозиция обвинила Карзая в попытке продлить свою власть сверх своего срока. В феврале 2009 года президент Хамид Карзай призвал Независимый избирательный комитет провести выборы в соответствии с конституцией страны, ^{[9] [10] [11] [12] [13]} тем самым вынудив НИК повторить дату в августе и заставив замолчать критиков, которые опасались вакуума руководства между маем и августом. ^[14] Некоторые потенциальные афганские оппоненты жаловались, что шаг Карзая был попыткой очистить поле от соперников, большинство из которых не будут готовы к предвыборной кампании 2009 года. ^[15] После того, как НИК и международное сообщество отвергли указ Карзая, Карзай принял дату 20 августа 2009 года. ^[16] Верховный суд Афганистана объявил в марте 2009 года, что срок полномочий Карзая будет продлен до тех пор, пока не будет избран новый лидер. ^[17] Его оппоненты назвали это решение неконституционным и неприемлемым, указав, что оно дало Карзаю возможность использовать свое положение для обеспечения своей победы на выборах. ^[18]

Дата выборов 20 августа 2009 года была назначена на один день после афганской годовщины официального окончания третьей попытки Великобритании завоевать Афганистан девяносто лет назад в 1919 году. ^[19]

Сорок четыре кандидата зарегистрировались на президентских выборах, когда Независимая избирательная комиссия Афганистана (НИК) объявила свой официальный предварительный список зарегистрированных кандидатов 17 мая 2009 года. Три кандидата сняли свою кандидатуру до проведения выборов, поддержав одного из двух главных претендентов. Каждый кандидат в президенты баллотировался с двумя кандидатами на пост вице-президента. ^{[5] [20] [21]}

Карзай выдвинул свою кандидатуру 4 мая 2009 года; он сохранил действующего второго вице-президента Карима Халили , который является представителем этнической группы хазарейцев , но обменял первого вице-президента Ахмада Зию Массуда на Мохаммада Касима Фахима , бывшего таджикского военачальника, которого правозащитные группы обвиняют в массовой гибели мирных жителей во время гражданской войны в Афганистане . ^[22]

Объединенный национальный фронт объявил 16 апреля 2009 года, что они выдвинут бывшего министра иностранных дел доктора Абдуллу Абдуллу своим кандидатом на пост президента. Абдулла был министром иностранных дел Северного альянса с 1998 года и был доминирующей фигурой в альянсе . Он был назначен министром иностранных дел во временном правительстве, которое было установлено после вторжения США. ^{[23] [24] [25] [26]}

Первый человек, объявивший о своем намерении баллотироваться, доктор Рамазан Башардост официально зарегистрировался для участия в президентских выборах 7 мая 2009 года, с кандидатами на пост вице-президента г-ном Мохаммадом Мосой Барекзаем, профессором Кабульского сельскохозяйственного института, и г-жой Афифой Маруф, членом Независимой комиссии по правам человека Афганистана, и с голубем, символом мира и свободы, в качестве их предвыборного символа. Башардост открыто критиковал правительство и обвинял министров в коррупции. Работая министром планирования, он критиковал иностранные организации в Афганистане, которые пожирали деньги помощи, предназначенные для афганского народа, и позже ушел в отставку под давлением правительства и иностранного давления. ^{[24] [27] [28]}

Доктор Ашраф Гани , старший научный сотрудник по внешней политике в Институте Брукингса в Вашингтоне, округ Колумбия, и бывший министр финансов, специальный советник ООН и аналитик Всемирного банка , зарегистрировался в качестве кандидата в президенты 7 мая 2009 года. В то время, когда многие афганцы предпочли бы уменьшить видимость связей с правительством США, он имел честь нанять главного стратега кампании Клинтон Джеймса Карвилла в качестве своего советника по кампании. Его тесные связи с Вашингтоном поставили его среди тех, кого афганцы считали « Зана-и-Буш », буквально «женами Буша». Ашраф Гани также был отмечен как наиболее предпочтительный кандидат США для назначения на должность «главного исполнительного директора», которую США намеревались ввести независимо от победителя выборов. ^{[ требуется разъяснение ] [7] [24] [26] [29] [30] [31] [32] [33]}

Мирваис Ясини , первый заместитель спикера Народной палаты Афганистана , присоединился к гонке в марте 2009 года. Ранее он был членом Чрезвычайной Лойя джирги, созванной в 2002 году, занимал пост заместителя Лойя джирги , а также директора по борьбе с наркотиками и заместителя министра по борьбе с наркотиками. ^[34]

Шахла Атта , либеральная женщина-депутат и вдова погибшего на войне, также выступила с заявлением, пообещав возродить политику модернизации президента Мохаммада Дауда Хана 1973–1978 годов . ^[35]

Среди других претендентов на пост президента были лидер Партии справедливости и развития Афганистана Забиулла Гази Нуристани; бывший генеральный прокурор Абдул Джаббар Сабит ; бывший министр обороны Шах Наваз Танаи ; узбекский лидер Акбар Бай; экономический эксперт и нынешний старший министр Хедаят Арсала ; экономист Мохаммад Хашем Тауфики ; Сарвар Ахмедзай, бывший член афганской Лойя джирги 2002 года, который написал в 2009 году отчет о стране для американских чиновников, в котором была сформулирована новая стратегия США в отношении Афганистана; и другие. ^{[36] [37] [38]}

Наряду с кандидатами на пост президента, было 3197 кандидатов на 420 должностей в провинциальных советах. Провинциальный совет в каждой из 34 провинций Афганистана консультирует и работает с провинциальной администрацией, возглавляемой губернатором, который назначается президентом. ^{[1] [39]}

По данным правозащитных групп, в избирательных списках на выборах было не менее 70 кандидатов, связанных с «незаконными вооруженными формированиями». ^[40]

В то время как избирательное законодательство запрещало кандидатам, связанным с «незаконными вооруженными формированиями», а назначенная Карзаем Независимая избирательная комиссия отстранила 56 других кандидатов, которых она определила как командиров или членов незаконных формирований, многие из крупных полевых командиров , включая нынешних парламентариев и членов провинциальных советов, избранных в 2004 и 2005 годах, просто обошли это, зарегистрировав свои формирования как частные охранные компании или имея нужные политические связи. ^{[40] [41] [42] [43]}

Оба кандидата на пост вице-президента Хамида Карзая и многие из его ключевых союзников на выборах предположительно совершили широкомасштабные нарушения прав человека и военные преступления . Human Rights Watch призвала вице-президента Карима Халили и ключевого союзника, бывшего начальника штаба армии генерала Абдула Рашида Дустума , предстать перед специальным судом за предполагаемые военные преступления. Халили предположительно несет ответственность за убийство тысяч невинных людей. ^{[7] [43] [44] [45] [46] [47] [48] [49]}

Другой кандидат в вице-президенты Карзая и бывший старший советник по безопасности Мохаммад Касим Фахим , наряду со сторонником Карзая и бывшим министром энергетики Исмаилом Ханом , также были включены правозащитной группой в список «худших преступников». Более известный как маршал Фахим, кандидат в вице-президенты обвиняется в том, что он был бывшим начальником коммунистической тайной полиции, убивал военнопленных в 1990-х годах, руководил частными вооруженными формированиями и участвовал в похищениях людей и других преступлениях после 2001 года. Фахим, ключевой союзник США во вторжении США в Афганистан , ранее также занимал пост первого вице-президента и министра обороны Карзая, будучи назначенным на эти должности во временном и переходном правительствах, созданных после вторжения 2001 года. Карзая также консультирует Абдул Расул Сайяф , который, как говорят, первым пригласил Усаму бен Ладена в Афганистан и лоббировал амнистию для полевых командиров. ^{[7] [25] [43] [44] [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50] [51]}

Наиболее заметным событием стало драматическое возвращение генерала Абдула Рашида Дустума из изгнания в Турции за три дня до выборов в рамках сделки, призванной помочь президенту Карзаю одержать победу. После предполагаемого похищения и избиения политического соперника он был отстранен от должности начальника штаба армии Карзая в конце 2008 года и скрылся в изгнании в Турции. Ключевой союзник США во время вторжения США в Афганистан , генерал Дустум, возможно, является самым печально известным из афганских военачальников, обвиняемым в массовых нарушениях прав человека, включая резню в Дашт-и-Лейли, в которой погибло до 2000 талибов, задохнувшихся в грузовых контейнерах в конце 2001 года. Он также, как утверждается, задушил одного из своих солдат, привязав его к гусеницам танка. ^{[26] [43] [45] [47] [48]}

Многие афганцы ненавидят этих влиятельных лиц в афганском правительстве, возмущенные тем, что они избежали ответственности за нарушения прав человека в девяностых годах и вернули себе власть и землю с помощью частных ополченцев, финансируемых на миллионы долларов, которые им заплатило ЦРУ во время вторжения США в 2001 году . ^{[43] [46] [47] [51] [52]}

Аналитики предполагают, что частью стратегии Карзая было заключение сделок с союзниками-военачальниками для получения больших блоков голосов в обмен на ключевые должности и влияние в его новом правительстве или другие значимые обещания. ^{[25] [26] [45] [52] [53] [54] [55]}

Сразу после выборов аналитики и дипломаты предположили, что союзы Карзая с такими сильными личностями , как генерал Дустум, окупились, обеспечив ему большое количество голосов на севере. Фахим обеспечил Карзаю голоса таджиков, Халили обеспечил поддержку хазарейцев, а Дустум обеспечил голоса узбеков. ^{[25] [26] [55] [56] [57] [58]}

Кандидат на пост вице-президента Карзая, маршал Мухаммад Касим Фахим , также предположительно имеет давние связи с незаконным оборотом наркотиков, согласно отчетам ЦРУ, датированным еще 2002 годом. ^[51]

Будучи важным союзником США в качестве военного командующего Северного альянса , он тесно сотрудничал с ЦРУ во время вторжения США в Афганистан в 2001 году и был вознагражден миллионами долларов наличными. Затем он был назначен первым вице-президентом и министром обороны во временном и переходном правительствах, установленных после вторжения, управляя еще миллионами долларов, отправленными США в качестве военной помощи для создания и вооружения новой афганской армии. Отчеты разведки ЦРУ в 2002 году показали, что у Фахима была история наркоторговли до вторжения США, и что он все еще активно участвовал в этом после того, как был назначен министром обороны, перевозя героин через грузовые самолеты на север через Россию, с помощниками в афганском министерстве обороны, также вовлеченными. ^[51]

Менеджер предвыборной кампании Хамида Карзая на юге и его сводный брат Ахмед Вали Карзай — сам кандидат на переизбрание на пост главы провинциального совета Кандагара — также давно предположительно имеет заметные связи с наркоторговлей и, как считалось, контролирует значительную часть производства афганского героина. Многочисленные сообщения связывают его с афганской наркоторговлей, по словам чиновников из Белого дома, Государственного департамента и посольства США в Афганистане. Чиновники Управления по борьбе с наркотиками (DEA) и Офиса директора национальной разведки утверждают, что Белый дом выступает за политику невмешательства в дела Ахмеда Вали Карзая из-за его политической позиции. Всего за неделю до выборов он опроверг сообщение немецкого новостного журнала Stern , в котором говорилось, что британские спецподразделения обнаружили несколько тонн опиума на его земле. Он утверждал, что это делается непосредственно перед выборами, чтобы подорвать шансы Хамида Карзая на переизбрание. ^{[59] [60] [61]}

По словам нынешних и бывших официальных лиц США, Ахмед Вали Карзай также получал деньги от ЦРУ , и получал их в течение последних восьми лет. 27 октября 2009 года газета The New York Times сообщила: « Практика ЦРУ также предполагает, что Соединенные Штаты не делают все возможное, чтобы искоренить прибыльную афганскую наркоторговлю ». Также предположительно организовавший большую часть мошенничества в пользу своего брата на президентских выборах, Ахмед Вали Карзай сам был переизбран в провинциальный совет Кандагара на выборах 20 августа. ^{[62] [63]}

Независимая комиссия по правам человека Афганистана (AIHRC) заявила, что отсутствие безопасности «серьезно ограничило свободу передвижения и свободу выражения мнений кандидатов». ^{[64] [65]} Проблемы безопасности не позволили кандидатам на пост президента провести агитацию в большинстве провинций, а кандидаты, баллотирующиеся в провинциальные советы, подвергались постоянной угрозе, куда бы они ни направлялись. ^[5] По словам наблюдателей ЕС, широко распространенное культурное противодействие женщинам в общественной жизни, еще больше усугубленное отсутствием безопасности, сделало агитацию женщин-кандидатов очень сложной или невозможной во многих частях страны. ^[66]

В отчете ООН по наблюдению за выборами в начале августа говорилось, что появляется все больше доказательств того, что правительство использует государственные ресурсы в пользу Карзая. В отчете избирательной комиссии в июле отмечалось, что государственное Радио и Телевидение Афганистана посвятило 71% новостного освещения в прайм-тайм президенту. ^{[65] [67]}

Вопросами, находящимися на переднем крае избирательной кампании, были мятеж и отсутствие безопасности, поведение иностранных войск в Афганистане и жертвы среди гражданского населения , коррупция и бедность. Темы, касающиеся прав женщин, практически никогда не освещались в новостном освещении избирательной кампании, и женщины почти не освещались в новостных репортажах во время выборов, согласно отчету миссии наблюдателей Европейского союза. ^{[5] [66] [67]}

Г-н Карзай объявил, что пригласит Талибан на Лойя джиргу (большой племенной совет), чтобы попытаться возобновить зашедшие в тупик мирные переговоры. Майский предвыборный опрос показал, что более двух третей, 68%, афганцев считали, что их правительство должно провести переговоры и примириться с Талибаном, а 18% не знали или отказались ответить. Только 14% не поддержали правительственные переговоры и примирение с Талибаном. Карзай также сказал, что страна растет в статусе и сможет помешать «иностранцам» сажать афганцев в тюрьму, имея в виду иностранные военные силы, действующие в их стране. ^{[5] [65] [68] [69]}

По словам Рамазана Башардоста, мятеж был мотивирован присутствием иностранных военных сил в их стране, присутствием полевых командиров и нарушителей прав человека в поддерживаемом Западом режиме, коррупцией в этом правительстве и бедностью. Башардост поклялся, что не позволит иностранным войскам оставаться в Афганистане, если его выберут. ^{[28] [70]}

Абдул Салам Рокети , бывший моджахеддин , « борец за свободу » (чье имя произошло от использования реактивных гранатометов для сбивания советских вертолетов), и бывший командир Талибана, заявил, что объявит амнистию для всех повстанцев, если победит на выборах. ^{[5] [71]}

Избирательная комиссия аккредитовала 160 000 наблюдателей на выборах. Афганский фонд свободных и справедливых выборов, крупнейшая местная группа мониторинга, заявила, что направит наблюдателей на 70 процентов избирательных участков, но не сможет наблюдать за остальными из-за проблем безопасности. ^[72]

Перед выборами 20 августа состоялись два дебата кандидатов. Первые дебаты состоялись 23 июля и транслировались на Tolo TV . Предполагалось, что в них примут участие Карзай, Абдулла и Гани, хотя Карзай позже отказался от участия, а его кампания обвинила Tolo TV в предвзятости по отношению к нему. ^[73] Вторые дебаты состоялись 16 августа на RTA TV (государственный вещатель) и Radio Free Afghanistan ^[74] с участием Карзая, Гани и Башардоста, в то время как Абдулла не участвовал. ^[75]

Предвыборные опросы, финансируемые правительством США и проводимые организациями, базирующимися в Вашингтоне (округ Колумбия), показали, что Хамид Карзай опережает своего ближайшего соперника Абдуллу Абдуллу с большим отрывом, но предполагают, что у него не будет 50% поддержки, необходимых для полной победы на выборах 20 августа, что повышает вероятность проведения второго тура выборов в октябре. ^{[64] [65] [76] [77]}

Мнения о следующих людях (Международный республиканский институт, 3–16 мая 2009 г.) ^[78]

Первый раунд

†(Примечание: данные за май были получены из ответов на открытый вопрос до того, как был известен список кандидатов в президенты)

Сценарии второго раунда

Карзай – Абдулла

Карзай – Гани

††(В ходе опроса Международного республиканского института респондентам не задавался вопрос о сценарии второго тура Карзая – Баршардоста)

Проведение опросов общественного мнения на президентских выборах 2009 года было сопряжено с многочисленными трудностями из-за отсутствия безопасности, сложных географических условий и отсутствия точных демографических данных, но аналитики надеялись, что с улучшением методов выборки предвыборные опросы будут более предсказуемыми в отношении результатов, чем в 2004 году. ^[79]

Несмотря на приток 30 тысяч дополнительных иностранных военных в Афганистан в течение трех-четырех месяцев, предшествовавших выборам, и крупные военные операции в недели и дни перед выборами, 12 из 34 провинций Афганистана по-прежнему классифицировались Министерством внутренних дел Афганистана как «провинции с высоким уровнем риска» — что означает ограниченное или отсутствующее присутствие правительства — что ставит под сомнение способность более трети страны участвовать в выборах. ^{[80] [81] [82] [40]}

За полторы недели до выборов афганское правительство объявило, что наняло 10 000 племен для обеспечения дополнительной безопасности выборов почти в двух третях провинций Афганистана. Мужчинам платили 160 долларов в месяц, они не были одеты в форму и использовали собственное оружие для обеспечения безопасности избирательных участков в 21 из 34 провинций Афганистана. ^{[65] [81]}

Официальные лица ISAF заявили за два дня до выборов, что 60-тысячный контингент ISAF в Афганистане остановит все наступательные операции в день голосования, чтобы помочь афганским силам обеспечить безопасность президентских выборов. Приказ остановить операции и перенаправить силы на помощь в обеспечении безопасности последовал за аналогичным приказом, отданным афганским силам президентом Афганистана Хамидом Карзаем. ^{[83] [84]}

Из-за отсутствия мер безопасности полный список избирательных участков был объявлен только в день голосования. ^[85]

За день до выборов сотни избирательных участков были закрыты в тех частях страны, куда военные и полицейские силы боятся идти и не смогут обеспечить защиту наблюдателей за выборами. Ранее предполагалось, что около 700 из 7000 избирательных участков по всей стране не откроются из-за широко распространенной нестабильности. ^{[85] [86]} В день выборов афганская избирательная комиссия сообщила, что работали только 6200 избирательных участков. ^{[81] [87]}

В провинции Кандагар мэр города Кандагар Гулам Хайдер Хамиди заявил, что не пойдет голосовать. «За последние три года безопасность ухудшается с каждым днем», — заявил Хамиди. «Даже ребенок понимает, что день выборов небезопасен». Его дочь, Рангина Хамиди , известная защитница прав женщин, заявила, что риск того не стоит, и что она тоже не пойдет голосовать:

« Мое послание женщинам Кандагара таково: не ходите голосовать и не подвергайте себя риску просто так » . ^[88]

Уже в течение месяца, предшествовавшего дню выборов, по всему Афганистану наблюдался рост числа насильственных инцидентов, включая нападение террориста-смертника на посольство Индии в Кабуле 7 июля. ^[89] Представитель ISAF заявил за два дня до выборов, что в среднем за последние 10 дней нападения повстанцев составляли 32 в день, но за последние четыре дня их число возросло до 48 в день. ^[90] Среди крупных нападений, о которых сообщалось:

• 15 августа 2009 года, за пять дней до выборов, террорист-смертник взорвал автомобильную бомбу в штаб-квартире НАТО в самом укрепленном районе Кабула, эквивалентном Зеленой зоне Багдада . Мощный взрыв, потрясший город, оставил семь человек убитыми и 91 раненым, включая нескольких иностранных солдат, четырех афганских солдат и члена парламента. Представитель Талибана подтвердил, что атака, произошедшая внутри нескольких колец безопасности вокруг укрепленных посольств и правительственных зданий у президентского дворца, имела целями военный штаб НАТО (HQ ISAF) и посольство США менее чем в 150 метрах, и была частью кампании по срыву выборов. ^{[91] [92]}
• 18 августа 2009 года, за два дня до голосования, ракетные обстрелы или минометные обстрелы произошли недалеко от президентского дворца в Кабуле, а также взрыв автомобиля смертника, взорвавшего бомбу, на колонне НАТО, направлявшейся на британскую военную базу, в результате которого погибли девять человек и около 50 получили ранения. Один солдат НАТО погиб, двое других получили ранения. Двое сотрудников ООН погибли, а третий был ранен. В результате взрыва было уничтожено около 12 транспортных средств, а несколько близлежащих зданий были повреждены. В результате взрыва бомбы смертника у ворот афганской военной базы в провинции Урузган также погибли трое афганских солдат и двое гражданских лиц. ^{[83] [85] [93]}
• 19 августа 2009 года боевики захватили банк в центре Кабула за день до афганских выборов. Дерзкий рейд стал третьей крупной атакой в ​​Кабуле за пять дней, нарушив относительное спокойствие столицы с момента последних крупных атак в феврале. Полиция сообщила, что в ходе четырехчасовой осады погибли три бойца и три полицейских. ^[94]

В указах, изданных за два дня до президентских выборов, афганское правительство ввело цензуру на день выборов, запретив новостным организациям сообщать любую информацию о насилии с 6 утра до 8 вечера из опасений, что сообщения о насилии могут снизить явку избирателей и нанести ущерб шансам на проведение успешных выборов. Низкая явка может подорвать доверие к выборам – и также может повредить результатам Карзая на выборах, если недостаточно этнических пуштунов , которые составляют его базу поддержки, явились на голосование на юге Афганистана, где доминируют повстанцы. ^{[95] [96]}

Накануне выборов полиция Кабульского банка избивала журналистов и прохожих прикладами винтовок, чтобы не подпускать их к месту, где произошла кровавая осада. ^[94]

Глава Ассоциации независимых журналистов Афганистана (AIJA) заявил, что правительственные указы о цензуре не помешают афганским и иностранным журналистам предоставлять информацию общественности в критический период выборов: «Это показывает слабость правительства, и мы осуждаем подобные действия, направленные на лишение людей доступа к новостям». ^[95]

Human Rights Watch также раскритиковала цензуру новостей, заявив: «Попытка цензурировать сообщения о насилии является необоснованным нарушением свободы прессы». ^[97]

Фонд свободных и справедливых выборов Афганистана назвал ограничение свободы СМИ афганским правительством в день выборов «нарушением демократических принципов». ^[98]

« Это был один из самых жестоких дней, наблюдавшихся в Афганистане за последние восемь лет » .

—  Рэйчел Рид, исследователь Human Rights Watch в Афганистане ^[56]

Чиновники правительства Афганистана сообщили, что во время голосования в 15 провинциях страны произошло 73 случая насилия. Это число нападений на 50% превышает цифры НАТО по насилию в дни, предшествовавшие голосованию. ^{[6] [29] [99]}

Афганское правительство также сообщило, что в результате насилия в день выборов погибло по меньшей мере 26 человек, в том числе восемь афганских солдат, девять полицейских и девять гражданских лиц. ^{[1] [6] [100]}

Однако правительственные цифры было невозможно проверить из-за введенного правительством запрета на сообщение любой информации о насилии. Неподтвержденные данные свидетельствуют о том, что число нападений в день выборов на самом деле может быть намного выше, чем сообщает правительство. ^{[56] [99]}

В другом отчете говорится, что число нападений в день выборов в Афганистане превысило 130. ^[82] - Ссылка в цитате недействительна.

ISAF с тех пор сообщили, что в день выборов произошло более 400 нападений боевиков, что сделало этот день одним из самых жестоких в Афганистане с 2001 года. ^[101] Для сравнения, ISAF за два дня до выборов заявили, что в течение предыдущих 10 дней в среднем совершалось 32 нападения боевиков в день. ^[90]

В одном из самых ужасных нападений боевики ворвались в город Баглан на севере Афганистана, заставив закрыть все избирательные участки, бои продолжались большую часть дня. Среди убитых был начальник полиции округа. ^{[100] [102]}

Ракетные атаки, перестрелки и взрывы бомб произошли по всей стране, закрыв десятки избирательных участков. Только в провинции Кандагар было выпущено 122 ракеты повстанцев. Ракеты и минометы были выпущены по Кандагару , второму по величине городу в стране, Лашкаргаху , столице провинции Гильменд, Тиринкоту , столице провинции Урузган , а также по другим городам. ^{[98] [99] [100] [102]}

По неподтвержденному сообщению, боевики повесили двух человек в Кандагаре, потому что их указательные пальцы были помечены несмываемыми чернилами, показывающими, что они участвовали в выборах, которые боевики считают инструментом иностранной оккупации. ^{[7] [102]} Перед выборами боевики угрожали отрубить пальцы, замеченные с этими чернилами, используемыми для идентификации избирателей и предотвращения мошенничества. Надер Надери из Фонда свободных и справедливых выборов Афганистана (FEFA) сказал, что двое избирателей лишились пальцев в южной провинции Кандагар. ^[103]

В столице Кабуле боевики захватили здание, после чего были убиты после двухчасовой перестрелки. Сообщалось также, что в столице произошло не менее пяти взрывов бомб. ^{[56] [100] [102]}

Двое британских солдат и один американский солдат также погибли в результате взрывов придорожных бомб в южной и восточной частях Афганистана в день выборов. ^[82]

Ичал Суприади, руководитель наблюдения за выборами Азиатской сети за свободные выборы, сообщил, что опасения по поводу безопасности заставили многих международных наблюдателей покинуть территорию, и что их центр наблюдения за выборами получил множество сообщений от местных наблюдателей о том, что людей отговаривают идти на выборы. ^[1]

« В день голосования было зафиксировано самое большое количество нападений и других форм запугивания за последние 15 лет. К сожалению, погибло 31 мирное лицо, в том числе 11 должностных лиц НИК, а также 18 военнослужащих Афганской национальной полиции (АНП) и восемь военнослужащих Афганской национальной армии (АНА) » .

—  Отчет AIHRC -UNAMA , 21 октября 2009 г. ^[104]

В отчете от 21 октября 2009 года, выпущенном после публикации окончательных сертифицированных результатов выборов 20 августа, Миссия ООН по содействию Афганистану (МООНСА) и Независимая комиссия по правам человека Афганистана (АНКПЧ) заявили, что в день выборов Афганистан пострадал от самого большого количества нападений и запугиваний, которые страна видела за последние 15 лет . Временные рамки в 15 лет, начиная примерно с августа 1994 года, совпадают с описанием Ахмеда Рашида из книги «Талибан: воинствующий ислам, нефть и фундаментализм в Центральной Азии», когда « Афганистан находился в состоянии фактического распада как раз перед тем, как в конце 1994 года появился Талибан. Страна была разделена на феоды полевых командиров, и все полевые командиры воевали, переходили на другую сторону и снова воевали в ошеломляющем множестве союзов, предательств и кровопролития » . ^{[104] [105]}

« В период выборов в Афганистане зафиксирован самый высокий уровень жертв среди гражданского населения с момента падения режима Талибана в 2002 году » .

—  Международная амнистия, 27 августа 2009 г. ^[106]

25 августа 2009 года, через несколько часов после публикации первых предварительных результатов, группа заминированных автомобилей взорвалась мощным взрывом, в результате которого погибло по меньшей мере 43 человека и было ранено по меньшей мере 65 в городе Кандагар , в результате самого кровавого нападения с июля 2008 года. Сила гигантского взрыва в центре города в районе, где находятся объекты ООН и афганский разведывательный офис, привела к обрушению домов и зданий вокруг, разбиванию окон по всему городу и отправке пламени в небо. Люди, живущие за много миль от города, почувствовали грохот. Главной целью, по-видимому, была японская компания, которая недавно получила контракт на строительство дороги, строительство которой повстанцы заблокировали на несколько месяцев. Представитель Талибана отрицал свою ответственность, заявив, что группа осуждает нападение. ^{[107] [108] [109] [110]}

В тот же день в результате еще одного взрыва бомбы на юге Афганистана погибли четыре американских солдата, в результате чего общее число погибших иностранных военнослужащих в Афганистане в этом году достигло 295 человек, что сделало число погибших иностранных военнослужащих в Афганистане в 2009 году самым высоким за всю восьмилетнюю войну с момента вторжения США в 2001 году. ^{[107] [110]}

26 августа 2009 года директор министерства юстиции провинции Кундуз Сайед Джахангир был убит бомбой, заложенной в его автомобиль на севере Афганистана. ^[109]

27 августа 2009 года организация Amnesty International опубликовала заявление, в котором говорилось: «Поскольку исход президентских выборов в Афганистане остается неопределенным, гражданское население подвергается большей опасности, чем когда-либо после падения режима Талибана».

Август 2009 года стал самым смертоносным месяцем для американских войск в Афганистане с момента вторжения США в 2001 году. По меньшей мере 51 американский солдат погиб в месяц выборов, что стало самым высоким ежемесячным числом жертв для США за почти восьмилетнюю войну, превзойдя предыдущий максимум в 45 в июле. Месяц также был худшим в войне с точки зрения общего числа погибших среди всех иностранных военных, с 77 смертями. Наряду с 76 смертями в июле, эти два месяца были самыми смертоносными для иностранных военных в Афганистане, согласно данным icasualties.org. ^{[111] [112]}

12 сентября 2009 года, в день, когда НИК должен был объявить первые полные предварительные результаты, Афганистан охватили волны атак. По меньшей мере 66 человек, включая 24 гражданских лиц, 5 американских солдат и 26 афганских полицейских, солдат и охранников, были убиты в результате насилия, охватившего всю страну. Кровопролитие, казалось, продемонстрировало способность повстанцев, включая Талибан, совершать атаки в большинстве частей страны, несмотря на рекордное увеличение численности иностранных военных за восьмилетнюю войну. ^{[113] [114] [115] [116]}

Отсутствие безопасности и его влияние на регистрацию избирателей, доступность избирательных участков и явку избирателей — в основном в регионах, населенных пуштунскими племенами Афганистана, которые составляют 32–37 % населения страны — вызвали серьезную обеспокоенность по поводу этнического дисбаланса на афганских выборах. ^{[7] [53] [117] [118]}

« Есть округа, в которые, я на 100 процентов уверен, ни один государственный служащий не сможет поехать. Но вы говорите мне, что все еще так много людей зарегистрировано? Я в это не верю » .

—  Рошанак Вардак , член парламента Афганистана от провинции Вардак ^[117]

По словам лидеров и жителей пуштунских округов, многие центры регистрации избирателей в их округах так и не открылись в период регистрации, и мало кто вообще выходил из дома, не говоря уже о регистрации. Чиновники провинции также заявили, что группы по регистрации избирателей редко, если вообще когда-либо, осмеливались выезжать за пределы столиц округов. ^[117]

В провинции Вардак , где шесть из восьми округов провинции контролируются повстанцами, это привело к тому, что два округа провинции, в которых преобладают хазарейцы , сформировали основную часть новых зарегистрированных избирателей. Заместитель главного избирательного комиссара Независимой избирательной комиссии (НИК) Зекра Баракзай заявила, что «число регистраций в пуштунских округах очень низкое». ^[117]

По словам Хабибуллы Рафеха, политического аналитика Афганской академии наук, может возникнуть этнический дисбаланс, если та же проблема будет воспроизведена в других пуштунских регионах Афганистана. ^[117]

В провинции Гильменд, где 62% населения составляют пуштуны и где морские пехотинцы США проводили крупные наступательные операции, в одном городе с населением 2000 человек было зарегистрировано всего 75 человек. ^[119]

Для тех, кто зарегистрировался для голосования, отсутствие избирательных участков из-за отсутствия безопасности могло стать следующим препятствием. В провинции Гильменд Хаджи Мохаммад из округа Марджа сказал, что он продал все избирательные карты своей семьи, потому что в их районе не было избирательных участков. ^[72]

За день до выборов афганские должностные лица, отвечающие за выборы, приказали 443 избирательным участкам на территории повстанцев в провинциях Пактика , Пактия , Хост , Забул , Гильменд и Кандагар , где преобладают пуштуны, оставаться закрытыми из-за отсутствия безопасности. Хотя афганская избирательная комиссия до недавнего времени представляла цифру в 7000 избирательных участков, в день выборов она сообщила, что фактически работали только 6200 избирательных участков. ^{[85] [87]}

В сочетании с влиянием на регистрацию избирателей и доступность избирательных участков, отсутствие безопасности также, по-видимому, стало основным фактором гораздо более низкой явки избирателей на юге страны, где преобладает пуштунское население , где явка составила всего 5–10%, что фактически лишило регион избирательных прав. ^{[53] [56] [120]}

On election day, Abdul Hamid, a tribal elder from Paghman District – a mostly Pashtun district bordering Wardak province – was reported as insisting that 40 to 50% of eligible Paghman voters had not received voting cards, and therefore could not cast a ballot.^[121][122]

Starting in December 2008, journalist Anand Gopal and others have reported extensively on the widespread instances of fraud in the voter registration process, with the registration rolls including "phantom voters" and multiple registration cards issued to a single registrant, amongst numerous other problems.^[85][117]

Two days before the election, an investigation by the BBC also found and reported evidence of widespread electoral fraud and corruption in the Afghan presidential election.^{[72][117][123]}

After being informed that voting cards were being sold in the capital, Kabul, an Afghan working for the BBC posed as a potential buyer and was offered one thousand voting cards on the spot, for $10 (£6) per card. Samples provided were all authentic with the name, photo and home details of the voter on them.^[123] Other parties also offered to sell the BBC investigators thousands of votes, and some sellers have even been arrested by the authorities.^[123]

A flourishing black market in voter registration cards has also sprung up across the south of Afghanistan where they were being sold for £6 to £18 each.^[85] The Free and Fair Election Foundation of Afghanistan (FEFA), an independent election monitoring organisation, had also collected evidence of election fraud, particularly in the voter registration process.^[72][123] The monitoring group found that in many places people were being issued multiple voting cards, that voting cards were often issued for children, and that stacks of voting cards were given to men who falsely claimed that they were for women in their households.^[123] Long lists of imaginary female relatives were found to have been concocted during an attempt to update the electoral roll. In Kandahar, "Britney Jamilia Spears" appeared among the names registered.^[86] FEFA found that multiple registrations of a single person were taking place in at least 40% of all centers in one phase of the registration drive, and in one case, investigators found that about 500 voting registration cards were given to just one individual in Badghis province.^[117]

The independent election observers also reported that as many as one in five registrations were for people under the voting age – in many cases as young as 12 years old.^[54] According to a pre-election report by the Afghanistan Analyst Network, a Kabul-based group of foreign experts, as many as three million voters on the register were feared to not exist. The huge numbers of vote cards issued for phantom voters have raised concerns about massive electoral fraud.^{[57][86][100]} Shahrzad Akbar, a senior analyst with FEFA, stated that because the monitoring body was only able to investigate a few parts of the country, the election irregularities and abuses could be even more widespread:

"We couldn't observe how it went in every single district or village. I am sure that there are cases of multiple card distribution that we don't know about. But those incidents that we do know about caused us enough concern to contact the Independent Election Commission and say, 'please prevent this!'"^[123]

There has also been evidence that people working for candidates have deliberately tried to influence the outcome of the election by offering bribes to buy large numbers of votes.^[123]

In Baghlan province, a tribal elder and former military commander described how the voter fraud scheme worked. Within the hierarchical structure of Afghanistan, key local leaders like him have the ability to persuade large numbers of people to vote for one candidate or another. He reported that he and other local leaders had been approached by teams from the two leading contenders of the presidential election with monetary bribes:

"If one candidate gives $10,000, then the other gives $20,000 and a third one offers even more. It has become such a lucrative and competitive business. I don't know where they get their money from."^[123]

According to a U.S. government-funded poll released the week before the poll, the two leading contenders in the election were Hamid Karzai, the Pashtun incumbent, and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, the former foreign minister with strong ties to the former Northern Alliance.^[83][85]

In Helmand province, tribal leaders and local people also described a systematic attempt by Karzai supporters to collect or buy voter registration cards from people in an electoral fraud scheme allegedly orchestrated by Karzai's half-brother and campaign manager for the south, Ahmed Wali Karzai.^[72][86]

Along with bribes, cases of threats by warlords have also been reported. In Herat province, a village elder said he had been threatened with "very unpleasant consequences" by a local commander if the residents of his village failed to vote for Karzai.^[40][54]

Other instances of coercion in the electoral process – ranging from threatening phone calls to beatings and killings – by government agents (particularly security forces and armed factions aligned with certain candidates) have been extensively documented.^[40]

The hiring of 10,000 tribesmen by the Karzai government to secure polling stations in 21 out of 34 provinces, without uniforms and using their own guns, also raised questions of voter intimidation.^[7][40][65]

During the voting, intimidation of voters by some powerful candidates, in particular local candidates running for provincial council seats, was reported by observers.^[66]

In the northern province of Balkh, people were forced at gunpoint to vote for former foreign minister Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, according to complaints lodged with the election commission by former finance minister Dr. Ashraf Ghani in the days after the vote.^[124]

Meanwhile, both the Karzai and Abdullah camps have accused each other's side of having engaged in intimidation of voters, including allegations from Abdullah of intimidation and other interference by the head of the border police in Kandahar province, General Abdul Raziq, and his forces on behalf of Karzai.^[42]

The day before the election, Afghan election officials ordered more than 440 polling stations to stay closed during the vote out of fears of election fraud. The Independent Election Commission (IEC) said Hamid Karzai's supporters were trying to keep open polling stations deep within insurgent-held regions where the army and police fear going and where voting could not be properly monitored by observers.^[85]

An international observer monitoring the election proceedings said that the IEC had come under "a lot of pressure" from the Karzai administration to open more polling stations in the provinces of Paktika, Paktia, Khost, Zabul, Helmand and Kandahar where the government has little control beyond major urban centers.^[85]

Registration figures suggested that concerted preparations for vote-rigging had taken place in Khost and Paktia. Records suspiciously showed that twice as many women as men had registered to vote, while a thriving black market in voting cards has appeared with cards being bought and sold by the thousands for £6 to £18 each.^[19][85]

Government workers, required to be impartial in the election, were found by election observers to have actively and illegally campaigned for candidates.^[123] Investigators have also found members of political parties occupying positions as election officials.^[66][117]

The most problematic conflict of interest may be the fact that the country's Independent Elections Commission (IEC) that oversees the whole election is not "independent" of the Karzai administration at all. All seven of its members were appointed to the commission by Hamid Karzai, and its chairman, a former Karzai advisor in Herat province, has reportedly made no secret of his partisan support for the incumbent president.^{[42][54][66][125]}

In the days following the election, Karzai's main challenger, Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, denounced the chairman of the IEC as working for Mr. Karzai. Foreign election observers have also criticized the Independent Election Commission as being full of Karzai appointees.^[42][125]

The BBC has reported that the Independent Election Commission has been accused of not doing enough to prevent abuses that have been brought to its attention.^[123]

FEFA, the country's largest independent election monitoring organization, has also raised questions about the impartiality of Independent Election Commission (IEC) local officials, and noted that questions about IEC impartiality constituted "a trend that has persisted throughout the electoral process". Throughout election day, numerous reports were received of local IEC officials improperly interfering in the voting process.^[98][125]

U.S.-based Human Rights Watch said the independence of the Independent Election Commission was compromised by Karzai's appointment of the IEC chairman without parliamentary oversight and accused the IEC chairman of displaying "clear bias".^[125]

Election day news included reports of widespread electoral fraud throughout the day.^[29] At one polling station in Nad-e-Ali, in the Helmand province, just over 400 people had voted by 1 p.m., but three hours later, the figure had apparently rose to some 1,200, despite that guards had hardly seen any voters. Election officials were later seen counting piles of ballot papers, without checking simply declaring the votes had been cast for Karzai.^[126]

As early as 8 a.m., only one hour after the polls had opened, officials at the U.S. embassy in Kabul were receiving complaints of fraud.^[29]

Ashraf Ghani, one of the presidential candidates and also reported as favoured by the U.S. for a "chief executive" position to run the country regardless of the election outcome, e-mailed U.S. officials with reports of his opponents stuffing election ballot boxes. Other candidates also lodged similar complaints with U.S. officials – who referred them instead to the national election body.^{[7][29][30][32]}

Abdullah, the main opponent to Hamid Karzai in the presidential election, said that his supporters were lodging complaints of election fraud, in particular from Kandahar province. Hours after the polls closed, his deputy campaign manager, Saleh Mohammad Registani, alleged that "very large scale" fraud had taken place in at least three of the country's 34 provinces, including ballot box stuffing.^[6][29]

Presidential candidate Mirwais Yasini, the deputy speaker of the lower house of parliament, lodged 31 complaints with Afghanistan's Independent Election Commission (IEC), telling the BBC that both main camps had engaged in widespread electoral fraud.^[127]

Election monitor group FEFA reported receiving cases throughout the voting day of "improper interference" by local Independent Election Commission (IEC) staff in the voting process, raising continued concerns about the impartiality of IEC election officials. Their post-election provisional report also detailed cases of election officials being ejected from polling stations by representatives of candidates.^{[98][119][127]}

Photojournalist Peter Nicholls of The Times photographically documented^{[dead link‍]} an apparent case of ballot box stuffing amid low voter turnout in Pul-e-Charkhi, in Kabul province.^[128]

In a further irregularity, the supposedly indelible ink used to mark the index finger of voters to prevent voting more than once was found to be easily removable in many instances – a repeat of a problem that had also occurred in the 2004 and 2005 elections. According to Havana Marking, director of a documentary on the elections, by 9 a.m. people were bleaching their fingers and casting ballots twice. The documentary makers filmed "a cafe full of young men laughing and deciding who to vote for the second time".^{[6][25][54][57][99]}

Complaints about the ink were made by the camps of all three of the main challengers in the presidential race. Aides to Dr. Abdullah reported that at the polling station where he had cast his ballot, voters had been able to clean the ink from their fingertips within minutes. Ashraf Ghani's team had reports of inferior ink that was easily removed being used in the western city of Herat. Presidential candidate and former planning minister Dr. Ramazan Bashardost charged that the indelible ink could be washed off easily, and lodged an official complaint endorsed by a member of the Election Complaints Commission. The former minister, who had been running third in the pre-election polls, said: "This is not an election. This is a comedy."^[100][129]

Western officials conceded the election would be flawed, admitting that there had been election corruption, that there was apathy, that the lack of security would stop some from voting, and that precautions designed to prevent fraud would be ineffective in many parts of the country where election monitors cannot go.^{[19][72][119][123][130]}

The international community accepted that fraud would be inevitable in the presidential election, but hoped that it could be minimised to an "acceptable level where it will not alter the final result".^[85]

Former U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan Ronald E. Neumann put the odds of an election that would appear "good enough" at "50-50".^[54]

Additionally, 7 million fewer Afghans were even allowed to vote than in the last election. Thousands of complaints were filed, and there was blatant evidence of corruption.^[131]

NATO officials announced in March 2009 that 15.6 million voters had registered to vote, roughly half of the country's population, and that 35 to 38 percent of registered voters were women.^[132] Those registration numbers were disputed, however, by the Free and Fair Election Foundation of Afghanistan and media reports, which suggested widespread fraudulent activity in the election process.^{[19][72][117][123]}

While UN, American and Afghan officials quickly hailed the election as a success, evidence from observers on the ground and from journalists suggested that the Taliban had succeeded in deterring many Afghans from voting.^{[1][56][57][99][100][102][118][125]}

At the end of the voting day, top election official Zekria Barakzai estimated the voter turnout across the country at around 40–50%. One Western diplomat slapped aside 50 percent as a "joke". On August 21, The New York Times article reported that overall turnout was expected to be about 40%. On August 26, The Daily Telegraph reported that turnout may have been little more than 35% nationwide and was less than 10% in some districts of Helmand and Kandahar.^{[6][56][99][133]}

Figures released by the IEC on August 31, when the ballots from almost half of the country's polling stations had been counted, pointed to a turnout of only 30% to 35%. Most of the ballots counted to that point were from the north of the country.^[134]

Independent election observers in the country almost all agreed that voter turnout was far lower than in the previous presidential election in 2004.^[29][118]

The turnout was uneven across the country with low turnout in the south and east of Afghanistan, suppressed by lack of security and disenchantment, while vote participation was somewhat higher in the more stable north and west of the country, including some reports of long lines of voters seen outside polling stations.^[1][29][56]

Voter turnout in the eastern city of Jalalabad was low at no more than 20–30%, according to election observer Tim Fairbank: "A lot of people have told us they were afraid to vote, and afraid to have their fingers dipped in ink because of the Taliban's threats." The government, on the other hand, was expected to claim that it was more like 60% in the area.^[102][135]

In the Pashtun-dominated southern provinces, turnout was as low as 5–10%, according to one Western official. In some parts of the country almost no women voted.^[56]

In Khan Neshin, Helmand province, in the south of Afghanistan, election officials estimated that only 250 to 300 people – out of an estimated population of 35,000 to 50,000 in a region larger than Connecticut – showed up to vote at the single polling station available for the area. Not a single woman voted, according to the district governor, Massoud Ahmad Rassouli Balouch.^[136]

In Babaji district of Helmand province, where 10 British soldiers were killed in Operation Panther's Claw, a British offensive launched against insurgents a few weeks ahead of the elections, reports indicated that only about 150 people voted out of a population of 55,000. One election observer said no more than 15 people voted at the polling centre where he was based.^[137]

In another Helmand province district of 70,000 people, barely 500 people voted, while in one town of 2,000 residents, only 50 people voted.^[119]

Voter turnout in Kandahar city, Afghanistan's second largest city, was estimated to be down 40% from the previous election in 2004. Noor Ahmad, a resident of Zerai District, said: "The turnout is very low, perhaps less than 5 percent."^[99][100]

In the Spin Boldak district of Kandahar province, RFE/RL's Radio Free Afghanistan correspondent in Kandahar, Dawa Khan Meenapal, said that people voted heavily but overall turnout was lower than in past elections, and that participation by women was very low.^[1]

In Lashkargah, the provincial capital of Helmand, Mohammad Aliyas Daee, a Radio Free Afghanistan correspondent in Helmand, similarly reported that "the overall participation of women was negligible." Voter turnout, by one estimate, was at below 20% in the city, considered to be more secure than the rest of the province.^[1][100]

In the southeastern Uruzgan province, the deputy police chief, Mohammad Nabi, estimated the province-wide turnout to be less than 40%, saying that "people had no interest".^[100]

Voting in the capital city Kabul also appeared to have been depressed, with one estimate placing turnout at only 30%. Officials, witnesses, and journalists at several polling stations reported low participation numbers. Afghan journalist and research analyst, Abdulhadi Hairan, observed that the low voter turnout in Kabul resulted in reporters and cameramen having to wait nearly to midday before having enough voter interviews to send back to their news organizations. Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, Karzai's main opponent in the presidential election, called the low voter turnout in Kabul "unsatisfactory."^{[29][57][99][100][128][138]}

"The early information is that the turnout was very low in some provinces and at best was fair in others."

— Haroun Mir, director of Afghanistan's Centre for Research & Policy Studies^[87]

The polls in Afghanistan, originally scheduled to close at 4 p.m. after nine hours of voting, had been held open an hour longer in a last-minute decision by the Independent Election Commission.^[1]

Official election monitors and the UN placed voter turnout in the election at only around 30–33%.^[104][139]

In a joint report with the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, issued October 21, 2009, after the release of the final certified election results for the August 20 vote, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan stated:

"One third of registered voters, a figure which is significantly lower than the previous elections, are understood to have cast their ballots,"^[104]

The approximate quantity and guarded wording of the UN statement indicated a voter turnout of no higher than 33%.^[140]

The figures of the Independent Election Commission, adjusted for 1,065,031 votes discarded as fraudulent, indicate a voter turnout of 31.4%:

When the IEC released its September 16 uncertified final results with a total of 5,662,758 "valid votes", the IEC claimed a voter turnout of 38.7%.^{[141][142][143][144]}

Following the ECC's official audit findings, the IEC's October 21 final certified results for the August 20 election presented a total of 4,597,727 "valid votes". 1,065,031 votes or 18.8% of the votes had been invalidated between the IEC's September 16 results and its final certified results.^[141][145]

A proportional 18.8% reduction of the IEC's September 16 voter turnout figure of 38.7% gives a voter turnout figure of 31.4%.^[144]

In an article published October 21, 2009, in Foreign Policy magazine, J. Scott Carpenter, an official election observer for the August 20 vote, placed the voter turnout at 30%.^[139]

Ballot counting began immediately after the polls closed on August 20, with official preliminary results to be declared two weeks later on September 3, official final results to be declared two weeks after that on September 17, and a run-off, if required, to be held within two weeks after that.^{[1][29][56][100]}

Within a day into the vote counting, however, both the Karzai and Abdullah camps were making claims of leading far enough in the count to obtain a majority of over 50%, and that a run-off vote would not be needed.^[56][87]

Three days into the vote counting, reports suggested that Hamid Karzai had been re-elected by a landslide, with early figures giving Karzai 72% of the vote and his closest rival, Abdullah Abdullah, at 23%.^[146]

If confirmed, the scale of the win is expected to provoke accusations of vote-rigging, with the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) having already received 225 complaints within three days – some containing multiple allegations – and reports still arriving from remote areas.^[146][147]

Thirty-five of the complaints received so far were deemed by the ECC to have been on a scale large enough to have altered the outcome of the poll, with the most common complaint among them being ballot box tampering. Other charges included intimidation of voters, failures of the "indelible ink", and interference in polling.^[146][147]

Abdullah Abdullah accused Hamid Karzai of "stealing" the election and alleged that widespread electoral fraud had been committed. He told The Guardian: "It was led by Mr Karzai. He knew. He knew that without this he cannot win, about that I have no doubt in my mind."^[42]

A senior UN official said that there would be no legitimacy if Karzai was proclaimed the outright winner in the election that Afghanistan's international backers are desperate should be seen as legitimate: "If the international community say it is all wonderful, they lose further credibility and are associated with an illegitimate government."^[42]

By August 25, the ECC said it had received 1,157 complaints, with 54 categorized as "high priority" and material to the outcome, and many more still expected. Some of the worst fraud may have occurred in Helmand province, according to allegations from at least two presidential candidates. A spokesman for Ashraf Ghani alleged large-scale ballot box stuffing in Lashkar Gah, the capital of the province. An aide to Dr. Abdullah accused election officials in Helmand of having doubled the real turnout figure – a claim that found some anectdotal support in changing figures given by the top local Independent Election Commission official in Helmand, who told The Times on the day of the election that fewer than 50,000 people had voted in the province, then changed the number to 110,000, and then to 150,000 in subsequent days.^{[148][149][150]}

A UN official predicted that anywhere between 10% and 20%, or as many as one in five, of all the ballots were illegal, and even proposed that negotiations would have to be made to "massage down" Karzai's victory margin.^[124]

The deputy speaker of Afghanistan's lower house of parliament, Mirwais Yasini, claimed that thousands of ballots cast for him had been removed from ballot boxes by his opponents and taken away to be destroyed instead of counted. He displayed bags full of ballots from Kandahar that had been discovered by his supporters. Yasini said the only option available was to "abolish the election".^[42][124]

Abdullah Abdullah also brought forth evidence to support his allegations of widespread vote-rigging. He showed sealed ballot forms that he similarly claimed were votes for him that were never counted; a vote ledger sheet from a polling station that listed only a few names, yet had a ballot tally on the bottom of 1,600; video showing ballot-stuffing that he said was recorded on August 22 – two days after the polls had closed on August 20 and ballot boxes were supposed to have been sealed; video of an individual directing voters to cast their ballot for Karzai; a photograph allegedly showing Karzai people looking over the shoulders of voters filling their ballot sheets behind the cardboard voting screens; a thick tablet of ballot sheets still affixed to the pad, with every single ballot apparently pre-marked for Karzai with the same pen and by what seemed to be the same hand. Abdullah said the tablet had been turned over to them in southern Afghanistan and was just one of hundreds. He said: "This amount of fraud ... Even I did not anticipate it. I was shocked."^[118]

More than 10 boxes of ballots were lost when a U.S. Air Force Chinook helicopter accidentally dropped and lost the ballot boxes collected from a remote village.^[25]

On August 26, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) reported partial results tallied from 10% of the polling stations, and announced that it planned to release partial results each day for the next several days.^[149][150]

By one account, Hamid Karzai was leading slightly with 41% of the counted votes, while Abdullah Abdullah was at 39%, based on 524,000 valid votes counted after 31,000 – or 5.6% – of the votes were thrown out.^[149]

By another account, covering the same news, IEC Chief Electoral Officer Daoud Ali Najafi announced in a news conference that Karzai was at 38% while Abdullah was at 36%, based on 550,000 votes.^[150]

According to the BBC, the partial results were as follows:^[151]

• Hamid Karzai – 212,927 votes, 40.6%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 202,889 votes, 38.7%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 53,740 votes, 10.2%
• Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai – 80,444 votes, 10.5%

Those partial figures of 550,000 votes from 10% of the polling stations, when extrapolated, could suggest a national turnout of 5.5 million, which would be about 30% lower than the turnout figures from the previous presidential election in 2004. The tally was based mainly on returns in the north and other parts of the country – the commission said that less than 2% of the ballots in Kandahar province and none of the ballots from Helmand province had been tallied.^{[118][149][152]}

Reports of the total number of registered voters have varied^[153] from 15 million,^[99] to 15.6 million,^[154] to 17 million,^{[54][87][155]} with no verified list of eligible voters to compare against.^[52]

A second release of partial results was made by the election authorities after 17%, or 940,000, of the ballots were counted.

According to the BBC:^[156]

• Hamid Karzai – 422,000 votes, 45%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 330,000 votes, 35%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 108,000 votes, 10.8%
• Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai – 80,000 votes, 9.2%

The figures have also been reported as Karzai having 44.8% and Abdullah 35.1% of the ballots based on 17% of the country's polling stations (as opposed to 17% of the ballots).^[109]

Again, slightly different figures were reported in other accounts,^[157][158] covering the same news, in which IEC Chief Electoral Officer Daoud Ali Najafi told reporters in Kabul that Karzai had 42% and Abdullah 33% of 998,000 ballots counted from 17% of the polling stations in the country.^[133][157]

998,000 ballots from 17% of the polling stations suggests a nationwide turnout of nearly 5.9 million.^[157] 940,000 ballots representing 17% of the ballots would suggest a turnout of 5.5 million out of 15-17 million voters registered. The presidential election of 2004 had produced a tally of approximately 8 million ballots out of 11 million voters registered.^[118][157]

Ramazan Bashardost, the candidate likely to place third in the election, said the Independent Election Commission (IEC) officials were breaking electoral law by announcing results before the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) had completed its work. The complaints commission had by now received more than 1,400 complaints, with over 150 of them serious enough to change the vote's outcome.^[109]

Partial results released on August 29, with 2.03 million ballots tallied from 35% of polling stations, gave the following numbers:^{[58][159][160]}

• Hamid Karzai – 940,558 votes, 46.3%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 638,924 votes, 31.4%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 277,404 votes, 13.6%
• Ashraf Ghani – 176,610 votes, 8.7%

Claims of massive fraud escalated with a total of more than 2,000 now received by the Electoral Complaints Commission, 270 of which it considered serious enough to have changed the outcome.^[110][159]

Abdullah Abdullah stepped up his allegations of widespread vote rigging, saying that "massive fraud, state-crafted, state-engineered fraud" had taken place throughout the country," and that ballot boxes had been stuffed with hundreds of thousands of votes.^[161]

On August 25, supporters of Abdullah threatened with violence if their candidate would lose, while Abdullah himself urged them to stay calm while the electoral commission would investigate their concerns.^[162]

On August 30, the Electoral Complaints Commission announced that the number of allegations it considered serious enough to have affected the outcome had now reach 567, more than double the number announced the day before. The total number of complaints registered with the ECC had now reached 2,493, with over one-fifth classified as "Category A", meaning serious enough to alter the outcome. Most votes in the southern parts of the country, where Karzai is seen as having strong ethnic Pashtun support, and where complaints of fraud seemed highest, had yet to be counted.^[163]

Partial results released on August 31, with 2,869,562 valid ballots tallied from 47.8% of polling stations, gave the following numbers:^[164][165]

• Hamid Karzai – 1,317,121 votes, 45.9%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 954,256 votes, 33.3%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 359,214 votes, 12.5%
• Ashraf Ghani – 238,210 votes, 8.3%

The results with nearly half of the polling stations counted pointed to a turnout of only 30% to 35%, adding to doubts about the election's legitimacy. Most of the ballots counted so far had been from polling stations in the north of Afghanistan, where most of Abdullah's support was. Observers said that the ballots from the south that mostly remained to be counted could put Karzai over the 50% needed to win the election without a run-off.^[134]

According to a senior Western diplomat, hundreds of thousands of ballots for Hamid Karzai were from as many as 800 fake polling sites where no one had actually voted. The diplomat and another Western official also said that Karzai supporters took over approximately 800 actual polling centers on election day and used them to fraudulently report tens of thousands of ballots for Karzai. The Western diplomat said: "This was fraud en masse." In Karzai's home province, Kandahar, preliminary results indicated that more than 350,000 ballots had been turned in to be counted, but Western officials estimated that only about 25,000 people had actually voted in the whole province.^[166]

According to an IEC official and a Western official in Afghanistan, the Independent Election Commission introduced a set of standards to exclude questionable votes on August 29, but when it appeared that the new exclusions would put Karzai's tally below 50%, the commission cast a second vote on September 7 to loosen the fraud standards.^[167]

On September 8, 2009, the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC), dominated by U.N.-appointed Westerners, reported that over 720 major fraud allegations considered material to the outcome had been registered, and ordered recounts at polling stations where it had found "clear and convincing evidence of fraud" in at least three provinces. The U.N.-appointed ECC chairman, Grant Kippen, said voting irregularities included unfolded ballots (that would not have fit through a ballot box slot), identically marked ballots, and overly large ballot counts, including a box in Kandahar with 1,700 ballots when the maximum should be 600. Dozens of voting sites tallied by the Independent Election Commission reportedly had Karzai winning in perfectly round numbers like 200, 300, or 500 ballots.^[168]

Also on September 8, 2009, with the IEC releasing the first partial results to show Hamid Karzai above the 50% threshold, the U.S. State Department called for a "rigorous vetting" of the electoral fraud claims.^[169]

On September 10, 2009, the ECC ordered the invalidation of tens of thousands of ballots, mostly votes for Karzai, from 83 polling stations from three provinces. These included all presidential ballots from 5 polling stations in Paktika Province, either all presidential ballots, all provincial council ballots - or in some case both - from 27 polling stations in Ghazni Province, as well as ballots from 51 polling stations in Kandahar Province. The chairman of the ECC, Grant Kippen, said there would be no re-voting and that the ballots would simply discounted from the final tally. A source at the ECC indicated this was just the beginning of a process, according to a BBC correspondent.^{[2][170][171]}

The Independent Election Commission indicated that results from 447 polling stations, or 200,000 ballots, had already been quarantined and flagged to the ECC for investigation, and that the figure could rise to 660 polling stations and as many as 500,000 ballots.^[171]

On September 15, 2009, the foreign-dominated ECC ordered a recount of 2,600, or 10%, of the country's 26,000 polling stations – many of them in southern Afghanistan – a move expected to strip votes away from incumbent President Hamid Karzai. Because many of those polling stations had substantially higher turnouts than average, possibly the result of ballot stuffing, more than 10% of the vote could be affected. With the September 12 partial results showing Karzai at 54.3% of the votes, just 4.3 points above the 50% threshold, the ECC-ordered recount could potentially force a run-off election.^[172]

On September 21, 2009, over a month after the election day, and after several weeks of wrangling, it was reported that the IEC and ECC had agreed to rely on statistical sampling in the interests of expediency instead of carrying out an in-depth investigation of all the alleged voting irregularities.^[173]

The exact methodology to be used had yet to be agreed upon and could take a few days.^[173]

Supporters of the deal claimed that streamlining the complaints review process would reduce political instability. Critics of the deal said that bypassing a full investigation of all the irregularities would undermine faith in the credibility of the outcome.^[173]

On September 25, 2009, the IEC and ECC announced that they had agreed to audit and recount ballots from only 313 of the 3,063 polling stations that had been deemed suspicious, representing a sample of about 10% of suspect ballot boxes, in order to expedite a resolution to the disputed election. According to the election officials, the 313 ballot boxes to be used in the statistical sampling were randomly selected in front of candidate agents and observers, and were to be retrieved from the provinces as soon as the next day.^[174]

On September 26, 2009, Afghan newspaper "daily 8 Subh" quoted the IEC chief electoral officer as saying that a decision about whether a run-off would occur would be made within the next ten days, and that any run-off would be held within a month.^[175] However, other news sources reported the IEC as urging the Electoral Complaints Commission to expedite their fraud investigations, saying that the final results must be released within the next ten days if the election commission is to be able to prepare a second round of voting before winter snow at the end of October makes voting impossible in parts of the country. Missing the window could delay any run-off until springtime, creating a power vacuum.^[174][176]

Partial results released by the Independent Election Commission on September 2, with 3,689,715 valid ballots tallied from 60.3% of polling stations, gave the following numbers:^[177][178]

• Hamid Karzai – 1,744,428 votes, 47.3%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 1,201,838 votes, 32.6%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 426,331 votes, 11.6%
• Ashraf Ghani – 313,650 votes, 8.5%

Abdullah reiterated his allegations of massive fraud, and accused the Independent Election Commission of cooperating in "organized fraud". One of his campaign chiefs, Zalmai Younosi, said: "How can we accept a corrupt government funded by drugs and not respected by the world?"^[177]

The Electoral Complaints Commission reported that it had hired 70 extra people and would need at the very least two weeks, working overtime, in order to process the more than 2,600 reports of fraud, with over 650 of them large enough to "have material effect on the results".^{[177][179][180]}

On September 3, 2009, when official preliminary results were originally planned to have been released, the IEC said the earliest possible date was now delayed to September 7.^[180]

Results released on September 6, 2009, with ballots from 74.2% of polling stations tallied, gave the following count:^[181]

• Hamid Karzai – 2,089,179 votes, 48.6%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 1,361,247 votes, 31.7%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 457,909 votes, 10.7%
• Ashraf Ghani- 9%

Independent Election Commission officials said results from 447 of about 28,000 polling stations had been annulled after fraud investigations.^[181][182]

Partial results released by the Independent Election Commission on September 8, with 5,469,289 valid ballots tallied from 91.6% of polling stations, showed Hamid Karzai over the 50% vote threshold needed win the election without a run-off:^[183]

• Hamid Karzai – 2,959,093 votes, 54.1%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 1,546,490 votes, 28.3%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 505,347 votes, 9.2%
• Ashraf Ghani – 147,761–2.7%

The Independent Election Commission (IEC) also reported that it had "quarantined" results from 600 polling stations where it suspected irregularities, and sent the list of stations to the ECC.^[182]

Meanwhile, the U.N.-backed Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) said it had found "clear and convincing evidence of fraud", and that a recount and inspection should be done for any polling station where 600 or more ballots were cast, or where any single candidate received more than 95% of the votes. U.N.-appointed ECC chairman Grant Kippen said how many polling stations this would involve was unknown. The chief electoral officer of the IEC said it could take two to three months to comply with the ECC's recount and audit order.^[182]

With Karzai passing the 50 per cent threshold but confrontated with allegations of massive fraud, a crisis emerged when a recount of ballots was ordered. That demand was challenged by the Afghan-dominated Independent Election Commission (IEC), which went on to publish the results, effectively giving Karzai the victory.^[184]

The IEC had previously announced that it hoped to release full preliminary results, originally scheduled for September 3, on September 12, 2009, instead. On that date, however, they announced that the count was still not complete and that there would be another delay, with no date known.^[185]

The partial results released by the IEC on September 12, tallied from the ballots of 92.8% of polling stations, showed Karzai slightly further in the lead and Abdullah slightly further lagging:^[186]

• Hamid Karzai – 3,009,559 votes, 54.3%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 1,558,591 votes, 28.1%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 511,441 votes, 9.2%
• Ashraf Ghani – 149,720–2.7%

Ballots from an additional 2.15% of polling stations were set aside because of irregularities at the 600 stations and excluded from the IEC's latest results on orders from the ECC. The IEC reported that hundreds of thousands of ballots had now been quarantined for audit.^{[114][185][187]} Election officials were unwilling to provide a time-scale for the final result, while observers said that investigation of the extensive fraud allegations could take months.^[185][188]

The day was accompanied by a spate of violence in which at least 66 people were killed in gunbattles, suicide strikes, and roadside bombs. The dead included 24 civilians, 5 foreign soldiers, 7 Afghan soldiers, 12 Afghan policemen, 7 security firm guards, and at least 11 militants. Attacks occurred in all corners of the country – not only in the south and east, but also in the west and north that had been comparatively quiet until recent weeks around the election – signalling an expanding insurgency despite record numbers of U.S. and coalition troops in the eight-year war since the 2001 U.S. invasion.^{[113][114][115]}

On September 16, 2009, the IEC released its final uncertified results for the presidential election, with Hamid Karzai winning the election in one round with 54.6% of the vote:^[189]

• Hamid Karzai – 3,093,256 votes, 54.6%
• Abdullah Abdullah – 1,571,581 votes, 27.8%
• Ramazan Bashardost – 520,627 votes, 9.2%
• Ashraf Ghani – 155,343–2.7%

Total Valid Votes: 5,662,758.

The IEC claimed that voter turnout was 38.7%. However, anectdotal evidence from observers suggests it was much lower.^{[141][142][143]}

The results were not final until approved by the UN-dominated Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) which had already previously called for recounts at about 10% of polling stations, a process which could take months.^[190]

More than 2,800 complaints were registered with the ECC, including complaints involving polling day and the ballot counting process, with 726 allegations that the ECC categorized as serious enough to have affected the outcome.^[190]

The EU deputy chief observer, Dimitra Ioannou, alleged that 1.5 million ballots were suspect out of the 5.5 million ballots, representing 27% of the vote. According to Ioannou, 1.1 million of the votes for Karzai were suspect, along with 300,000 of the votes for Abdullah, and 92,000 of the votes for Bashardost. The EU deputy chief observer noted that if all the votes they deemed suspect were invalidated, Karzai's percentage would drop from 54.6% to 46%, while Abdullah's would rise from 27.7% to 31%, effectively forcing a run-off. The Karzai campaign denounced the announcement as "partial, irresponsible and in contradiction with Afghanistan's constitution."^[190][191]

The European Union election observer mission had previously declared the election process to be generally "good and fair", shortly after voting day.^[192][193]

The figures alleged by the EU deputy chief observer represented approximately 36%, 19%, and 18% of the votes counted for Karzai, Abdullah, and Bashardost, respectively. Invalidating the 1.5 million ballots would reduce the already low voter turnout figure to under 27%.

The time frames mentioned at the end of September for a decision about a run-off did not appear to hold however: The recount of the random sample of 10% of suspect ballot boxes finally only began nine days later, on October 5, 2009. The UN stated that this recount process would take at least four days and that a final result would come next week.^[194]

On October 11, 2009, the recount of the 10% sample of suspect ballot boxes was reported to be completed, with results to be announced within a few days. The head of the United Nations mission in Afghanistan, Kai Eide, stated that vote fraud in the Afghan election had been "widespread". He refused to reveal any numbers however, saying "any specific figures would be speculative".^[195][196]

On October 12, 2009, just days before results of the audit were expected to be announced, the chairman of the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC), Canadian Grant Kippen, told reporters that the ECC had misinterpreted the statistical analysis to determine the percentage of votes that would be voided for each candidate in ballot boxes deemed suspect. The week before, the ECC had stated that each candidate would lose votes in proportion to the number of fraudulent ballots cast for them in a random sampling of ballots boxes deemed suspect. Under the new ECC interpretation, the commission divides suspect ballot stations into six categories of reason for suspicion, and disqualifies the same percentage from each candidate's total ballots within each category. According to an Associated Press article: "That means votes legitimately cast for a candidate could be canceled if they were found in ballot boxes that were deemed to have been stuffed in favor of another contender."^{[197][198][199]}

On the same day, in a blow for the UN-backed complaints body's credibility, one of the two Afghan members of the five-member ECC resigned, stating "foreign interference" on the part of the three Western members – an American, a Canadian, and a Dutch – of the complaints body.^[197][198]

On October 17, 2009, the U.N.-backed Electoral Complaints Commission, which had widely been expected to release its findings from its statistics-based audit, delayed the announcement again as ECC officials spent the day in meetings with Afghan election officials and double-checking calculations – and as U.S. and other Western officials pressured Karzai and Abdullah to state their acceptance of the findings before the ECC announcement and to work out a power-sharing deal.^[200][201]

According to The New York Times, Karzai fielded a flurry of visits and phone calls from U.S. and other Western officials pressing him to accept the delayed U.N.-led audit results, enter into a power-sharing deal with Abdullah, or otherwise avert a crisis in the contended election. Among the American officials working the phones were Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, her Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard C. Holbrooke, and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates. In Afghanistan, U.S. Senator John Kerry, chairman of the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, met with Karzai at least twice, and Abdullah once, stressing "the necessity of a legitimate outcome,"^[201]

British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon also called Karzai and Abdullah. French foreign minister Bernard Kouchner, who had flown to Afghanistan "in the context of tension" caused by the election crisis, pressured both Karzai and Abdullah to "respect" the U.N.-backed audit process.^[200][201]

Along with U.S. Senator John Kerry and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, former U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad was also in Kabul that day for talks with Afghan leaders.^[200][201]

The spokesman for Karzai's campaign, Wahid Omar, said they were concerned that the process was "being overshadowed by political discussions." Karzai's spokesman stated:

"We will not be committed to a result that is decided on politically."^[201]

The ECC's ruling was now expected October 18, according to The New York Times.^[201]

On October 18, 2009, however, the BBC reported that the ECC results from the fraud investigation were now due "in the next few days". The Telegraph reported that the ECC investigation was "understood" to have knocked Karzai's vote percentage down to between 47% and 49%, but that the official result "was delayed as the West asked the men to reach an agreement that would avoid another round of voting."^[202][203]

White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel indicated in veiled criticism of Hamid Karzai that it would be 'reckless' for the U.S. to commit more troops to Afghanistan until there is a 'true partner' to work with in Kabul. An expert familiar with the U.S. administration's thinking said there was no stomach for an election run-off after the "organisational headaches and risks to American troops" experienced in the August 20 ballot, and stated: "There is a clear preference for a deal."^[203]

On October 19, 2009, The New York Times reported that the ECC submitted its findings to the IEC that day, leaving the official announcement of results to the Independent Election Committee. However, an unnamed Western official said that the ECC investigation gave Karzai only 48% of the vote, under the 50% threshold required to avoid a run-off. The sample-based audit was reported to have found levels of fraud ranging from 71% to 96% in the six categories into which suspect ballot boxes had been divided.^[204]

Karzai campaign spokesman Wahid Omar stated: "I don't think we can make any judgment based on the figures announced today."^[205]

In a follow-up article the same day, The New York Times reported that based on its own analysis using preliminary data from the ECC findings, 874,000, or 28%, of Karzai's 3,093,000 votes were ordered invalidated by the sample-based fraud audit, as were 185,000, or 18%, of Abdullah's votes. The ECC also completely discarded 210 ballot boxes because of fraud, reducing Karzai's total by 41,000 votes and Abdullah's by 10,807 votes. The ECC findings resulted in pushing Karzai's final vote total from 54% down to around 48–49%, and raising Abdullah's vote total from 28% up to 31%.^[206][207]

According to an article^{[dead link‍]} by The Times, overall, "some 1.26 million recorded votes were excluded from an election that cost the international community more than $300 million." The New York Times wrote, "fraud was so pervasive that nearly a quarter of all votes were thrown out.".^[208][209]

Concerns that Karzai might reject the ECC findings in direct conflict with his main backer for eight years, the United States, led to continued intense American and ally pressure on him to accept a power-sharing deal or face a second round run-off. Senator John Kerry made an unplanned stop in Kabul to meet Karzai in the presidential palace "to continue his discussions and consultations", according to the U.S. embassy. White House spokesperson Robert Gibbs said former U.S. army general Karl Eikenberry, the U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, was engaged in "delicate but extremely important" efforts to persuade Karzai to accept the ECC's findings.^[206][208]

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who said that she had spoken a number of times with Karzai in recent days, announced that Karzai would be making an announcement the next day, saying "He is going to announce his intentions ... But I don't want to pre-empt in any way President Karzai's statement, which will set the stage for how we go forward in the next stage of this." An unnamed diplomatic source also said that Karzai would be making a nationwide address flanked by U.S. Senator John Kerry and U.N. Special Representative to Afghanistan Kai Eide, and claimed that Karzai was prepared to make concessions, such as forming a power-sharing coalition or agreeing to a run-off.^{[206][208][210]}

However, according to The Times, one of Karzai's senior cabinet ministers, Ismail Khan, who had met with Karzai, said he had been told that a formal challenge will be issued: "He said he will complain against the ECC decision, and demand an investigation into why they cut his votes."^[208]

On October 20, 2009, under heavy U.S. and ally pressure, President Hamid Karzai announced his acquiescence to a run-off in the election. Flanked at a news conference by U.S. Senator John Kerry, the head of the powerful United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and Kai Eide, the U.N. Special Representative to Afghanistan, he announced a run-off to be held on November 7, stating: "Unfortunately, the election of Afghanistan was defamed. Any result that we were getting out of it was not able to bring legitimacy."^{[209][211][212][213]}

Karzai had initially indicated that he might reject the Western-dominated ECC's findings. According to The New York Times, Karzai's capitulation came after "all-out push" by U.S. administration officials and their European allies. In a meeting hastily arranged after the release of the ECC ruling the previous day, U.S. Senator Kerry and the U.S. ambassador Lt. Gen. Karl W. Eikenberry were at the presidential palace in Kabul. Karzai initially hesitated but ended up agreeing to accept the findings during the course of the two-hour meeting.^[209][213]

Besides Senator Kerry and General Eikenberry, Karzai was pushed hard by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who urged him in multiple calls over the last few days to be a "statesman" and accept the results, and by British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, who called Karzai three times in the last 48 hours, warning him that he could lose Western support if he did not accede to a second round. Chiming in as well, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper also called to warn Karzai that he would face dire problems with the coalition countries involved in Afghanistan if he did not cooperate. The American, British, and French ambassadors to Afghanistan joined U.S. Senator Kerry and the U.N.'s Kai Eide in flanking Karzai as he made his announcement at the news conference. U.S. administration officials had also used President Obama's pending strategy review on Afghanistan as leverage on Karzai, indicating that they would not make a decision on adding troops until Karzai agreed to accept the election outcome.^{[209][211][212][213][214][215]}

A senior Western official was quoted in an article^{[dead link‍]} by The Times as saying: "No one wants a second round. It'll be expensive, bloody, and probably fraudulent."^[216]

According to The Times, the certified results after the audit findings had left Karzai with 49.67% of the vote, just 0.33% below the 50% threshold to have avoided the run-off.^[213][216]

On October 21, 2009, following the ECC's official audit findings and Karzai's heavily pressured acquiescence to a run-off, the IEC released its final certified results for the August 20 vote:^[145]

"It is hard to see how a second round can be credible."

— Rachel Reid, Human Rights Watch, October 22, 2009^[217]

On October 23, election authorities, with UN assistance, began delivering ballots for the November 7 run-off. UN planes flew ballots and voting kits to provincial capitals from where they would be delivered to thousands of polling stations by helicopter, truck, women and donkey.^[218][219]

Because of insecurity and fraud concerns, 7,000 polling stations – nearly 30% of the 24,000 polling stations that had been set up for the August 20 vote – were cut for the run-off vote.^[218]

There were also concerns that voter turnout for the run-off could be even lower than the "anemic" turnout of 30–33% in the first round on August 20.^{[104][139][220]}

According to Gilles Dorronsoro, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment and an expert on Afghanistan and South Asia: "This time around, the weather will be worse, and the plain fact is, most Afghans don’t like their options enough to vote."^[220]

The UN told the IEC that 200 of its 380 district election chiefs in the first round had ignored procedures or been complicit in fraud and must not be hired again.^[221]

"The international community cannot expect Afghans to risk their lives to participate in a sham election."

— J. Scott Carpenter, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, an official election observer during the first round^[139]

The run-off campaign period formally opened on October 24. Abdullah's campaign called for the dismissal of the three top officials of the Independent Election Commission (IEC), accusing them of having allowed widespread fraud in the first round of the election.^[140][222]

Both run-off candidates were reported to be frantically wooing Ramazan Bashardost, the presidential candidate that had placed third in the August 20 first round vote.^[140]

Bashardost, who had campaigned against the corruption and greed of Kabul politicians and against the poverty of Afghans, said he had not decided who to support between the two – if anyone – saying the choice was between "the worst, and worse than the worst."^[218]

The Taliban reiterated their call for Afghans to boycott the election, denouncing it as a foreign-orchestrated sham.^[140][222]

On October 26, Abdullah called again for the sacking of Azizullah Lodin, the head of the Independent Election Commission, saying that he had "no credibility".^[223] Karzai rejected the call by Abdullah, stating "the changes would not be helpful to the elections and the country".^[223]

On November 1, 2009, Abdullah Abdullah announced that he was withdrawing from the run-off vote, saying "I will not participate in the November 7 election," because his demands for changes in the electoral commission had not been met, and a "transparent election is not possible." Hamid Karzai had rejected Abdullah's demand that the head of the IEC resign.^[224][225]

Abdullah also said the Afghan people should not accept results of an election from the current election commission, and stated that Karzai's government had not been legitimate since its mandate expired in May 2009.^[225]

Speculation immediately followed that the run-off election would be cancelled.^[226] Afghanistan was thrown into a crisis after the withdrawal of Abdullah, which in effect cleared the way for Karzai to retain power despite the accusations of fraud. A weakened Karzai administration, shorn of electoral legitimacy, would represent a major blow to the Western allies who considered to send more troops to fight the Taliban.^[227]

The next day, on November 2, officials from the Independent Election Commission announced the cancellation of the November 7 run-off and declared Hamid Karzai the winner by default.^[3] According to The New York Times, the Afghan election commission and Karzai had been under intense pressure from the United States and its allies to cancel the run-off.^{[3][failed verification]} Abdullah said the appointment had "no legal basis" and Afghans deserved a better government.^[228] He stated:

"A government that is appointed by an illegitimate commission, a commission that has tainted its own legitimacy, cannot bring the rule of law to the country, it cannot fight the corruption."

On December 17, 2009, the National Democratic Institute opened up an Afghanistan election data browser to the public. This tool allows users to browse the raw vote count from the 2009 presidential election on a national view and quickly study details on lower (provincial, district, and even polling center) levels.^[229][230]

The United States is widely seen to have an enormous stake riding on the outcome of the election in Afghanistan. While U.S. officials have taken great pains to repeatedly assert neutrality, there are many perceptions and allegations of U.S. interference and manipulation in Afghanistan.^{[7][30][32][231][232]}

Many in Afghanistan perceive the U.S. to have favoured Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah over Hamid Karzai.^[55][231]

Four prominent Afghan politicians, including Ghani and Abdullah, were in attendance at U.S. President Obama's inauguration in January. Karzai, however, was not. Media reports began appearing that suggested that the U.S. was eager for a change at the top in Afghanistan. Hamid Karzai was also angered when the U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan, Karl W. Eikenberry, appeared beside Ghani and Abdullah at news conferences in June, ahead of the election, though Eikenberry stressed impartiality in his remarks. After Karzai did not show up at the first televised debate – against Abdullah and Ghani – the U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan published an op-ed in The Washington Post calling for "serious debate among the candidates" in Afghanistan.^{[7][30][32][231]}

All these developments were viewed by many in Afghanistan as a message about which candidates the U.S. now preferred to have in power in Afghanistan.^[55][231]

""The U.S. has certainly tried to undermine Karzai's leadership."

— Haroun Mir, director of Afghanistan's Centre for Research & Policy Studies^[231]

Some of Karzai's rivals have alluded that Karzai is extremely concerned about foreign interference in Afghanistan.^[55][231]

"He considers everybody part of that big plot," Abdullah said. "In the meetings with elders and political leaders who have talked and spoken to me, he says this, 'We should unite. You know, there are plots, Americans, British,' and so on and so forth."^[231]

Both Abdullah Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani have told people privately that the United States gave them the green light to run for president, according to a former U.S. official in Afghanistan.^[55][231]

As the first installments of vote counting results were being released, about a week after election day, Ramazan Bashardost, who ran third in exit polls, contended that the U.S. was playing a role in manipulating the outcome, in order to use a contested situation for its plans to broker a deal among the leading candidates.^[232][233] Others have made the same contention.^[26][55]

A TIME article that came out just after the election did suggest that a contested election outcome could "suit the U.S. purpose."^[234]

Some support for Bashardost's allegation may be seen in the U.S.-funded pre-election polls, one conducted by what Gary Langer, director of polling at ABC News, described as "an outfit called Glevum Associates, which appears from its website to be a military contractor engaged in producing psychological operations data as part of a U.S. Army counterinsurgency program, the Human Terrain System," and the other by the International Republican Institute, a "pro-democracy group affiliated with the Republican Party and financed by the American government."^[68][235]

In their May 3–16, 2009 poll, the International Republican Institute found that Bashardost placed higher than Abdullah Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani in favorability amongst Afghans, and that Bashardost and Ghani both came in at the very same level of support, 3%, when Afghans were asked who they would vote for president in an open-ended question. Yet their July 16–26 survey asked a series of questions that quite specifically included Ghani, but left Bashardost out for some reason:^[68]

• "If the presidential race were among only three people - Hamid Karzai, Ashraf Ghani, and Abdulah Abdullah - which one would you vote for president?"
• "If there is a second round election and the candidates are Hamid Karzai and Abdullah Abdullah, for whom would you vote?"
• "If there is a second round election and the candidates are Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani, for whom would you vote?"
• "Do you think a unified team of Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani is a good option for Afghanistan?"

U.S. officials have also made clear, even before the election, that – regardless of who won the Afghan election – Washington planned to use the leverage of the military force and financial resources at its command to extensively reorganize the Afghan government according to U.S. plans. The U.S. would push for a new non-elected "Chief Executive" position to be inserted under the President, with the appointee taking over all the day-to-day operations of the country.^{[7][30][32][110][231][234][236][237]}

Ashraf Ghani has widely been characterized as the U.S. favourite for appointment to that position. (Another mention was Zalmay Khalilzad.) Ghani has had discussions with U.S. officials, including both the U.S. special envoy to Afghanistan, Richard Holbrooke, and the U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, Karl Eikenberry, and has denied turning down the job offer. He told reporters a few days before the election: "I've been approached repeatedly; the offer is on the table. I have not accepted it."^{[7][26][30][32][231][234][236][237]}

Other plans by the U.S. Defense and State departments also call for the installation of American "mentors" and liaisons inside Afghan government ministries in Kabul, a policy that was heavily used in the early years of the U.S. military occupation of Iraq.^[231]

The powerful, non-elected "chief executive" position envisaged for insertion into the Afghan government was characterized by a senior White House official as "a prime minister, except not prime minister because he wouldn’t be responsible to a parliamentary system."^[237]

Afghan Foreign Minister Rangin Dadfar Spanta said that installing a "shadow prime-minister" would pose constitutional problems, but said: "I know that in Washington this idea has strong supporters."^[231]

The day after the election, a tense meeting took place between the U.S. special envoy to Afghanistan, Richard Holbrooke, and Afghan president Hamid Karzai, with sources describing the meeting as "a dramatic bust up" and "explosive". According^{[dead link‍]} to The Times, Holbrooke was already raising the possibility of a run-off, causing Karzai to accuse the U.S. special envoy of trying to force a second round "against the interests of Afghanistan".^{[26][238][239]}

The U.S. special envoy also met with Karzai's rival, Abdullah Abdullah, after the election. The discussion between Holbrooke and Karzai was said to have been noticeably briefer than Holbrooke's meeting with Abdullah.^[238]

On August 29, it was announced that the envoys from the United States, Britain, France, and Germany would meet in Paris to discuss the Afghan elections. According to The Times, a French official said that Holbrooke wanted a run-off in order to chasten Karzai and show him his power was limited.^[26][159]

Reacting to reports that the U.S. special envoy to Afghanistan wanted the vote to go to a second round for the sake of credibility, the IEC said the result is an Afghan issue:^[159]

"It is not up to Mr. Holbrooke to decide the first or the second round, this decision is up to the people of Afghanistan who have voted and the IEC is counting these votes."

On September 3, 2009, envoys from the United States, Britain, France, Germany, and other Western countries met in Paris to discuss the Afghan elections and how to rescue their costly efforts. The Paris meeting was seen as an effort to garner support for the U.S. response to the election and pressure Afghan President Hamid Karzai. The Western envoys to Afghanistan said to expect a run-off in the Afghan election, suggesting that one could occur if enough votes are invalidated.^{[159][177][240]}

The U.S., European, and NATO leaders also declared in their Paris meeting that their Western military troops were staying in Afghanistan.^[241]

In an interview with Le Figaro released on September 7, 2009, Hamid Karzai accused the United States of trying to undermine him in order to make him more malleable.^[242]

On September 13, 2009, the Sunday Telegraph reported that a "stormy meeting" between U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan, former U.S. general Karl Eikenberry, and President Karzai had occurred the previous week. "Don't declare victory," warned the ambassador, on the instructions of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. The Telegraph reported that the Afghan president had refused to meet American officials since then.^[55]

On September 15, 2009, the top U.S. diplomat to the United Nations mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), Peter Galbraith, was reportedly^{[dead link‍]} ordered out of the country by the head of the mission, U.N. Special Representative to Afghanistan Kai Eide, following a heated disagreement over the American diplomat's demands for a wholesale recount that would virtually ensure a run-off. According to diplomatic sources, Galbraith – a close friend of the U.S. special envoy Richard Holbrooke – wanted the Independent Election Commission (IEC) to annul results from 1,000 of the nationwide total of about 6,500 polling centres and to recount results from another 5,000. Eide, on the other hand had been seeking only a recount of some 1,000 polling centres. UN officials suggested that Mr. Galbraith's position was representative of the U.S. stance, while Mr. Eide's echoed those of the European missions in Kabul.^[243]

According to The Times, the IEC were preparing on September 8 to announce results for the last 15% of ballots, mostly from the controversial areas of the south and Badghis province in the north that were expected to return big majorities for Karzai, when Galbraith stepped in and forced them not to announce those results.^[243]

At a meeting with IEC officials on September 13, Galbraith "laid into the commissioners, in front of the donors and observers" and demanded to know why they had not yet started printing ballot papers in preparation for a run-off.^[243]

On September 30, 2009, The Times reported^{[dead link‍]} that the U.S. diplomat was fired from the UN mission in Afghanistan. The UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, said he dismissed Galbraith "in the best interests of the mission" after the Karzai government had told the UN that it was unwilling to deal with the American in the future. The Times also revealed that UN Special Representative to Afghanistan Kai Eide had lobbied hard behind the scenes against the appointment of Galbraith as his deputy, but that the United States had pushed Ban Ki-moon to appoint Galbraith, a close friend and ally of Richard Holbrooke, the U.S. Special Envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan.^[244]

In October 2009, numerous news articles, such as one by The New York Times and anotherby the Associated Press, described the extraordinary American efforts, in concert with allies, over multiple days to pressure Hamid Karzai into acceding to run-off vote. On October 20, caving in to the relentless U.S. arm-twisting, he reluctantly acquiesced.^{[213][216][219][221][245]}

On September 13, 2009, the Sunday Telegraph reported that American officials were making frantic efforts to force President Hamid Karzai into a power-sharing deal against his wishes, stating that "US officials have made little secret of their wish to see his wings clipped". In what one official in Kabul described as "turmoil" behind the scenes, Western diplomats were attempting to convert the election crisis into an opportunity for their purposes by forcing Karzai to share power in government with Dr. Abdullah Abdullah and "reformist ministers", and accept a diminished role for the presidency.^[55]

Intense Western diplomatic pressure was also being exerted on Abdullah Abdullah to cut a deal. According to The Telegraph, the fear is that if Karzai defies Washington and appoints his own choice of allies to key ministerial roles, he would be more "difficult for the West to influence".^[55]

On September 27, 2009, it was reported that the United States and other NATO countries with military forces in Afghanistan had indicated to Hamid Karzai's government that they expected he would remain in office for another five-year term. The U.S. Secretary of State and foreign ministers of the countries, meeting in New York on September 25, 2009, with U.N. Special Representative Kai Eide and Afghan Foreign Minister Rangin Spanta, reached "consensus" in Spanta's presence that Hamid Karzai would probably "continue to be president" of Afghanistan, whether by winning a run-off or as a result of having won more than 50% of the ballots in the disputed August 20 elections. The electoral fraud investigations by the Electoral Complaints Commission had not yet been completed.^[246][247]

On October 15, 2009, Zalmay Khalilzad, the former U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan under George W. Bush, arrived in Kabul from Washington D.C. A spokesperson for the U.S. Embassy in Kabul said Khalilzad was there as a "private citizen" and that he was not representing the United States government. Earlier in the year Khalilzad was widely discussed as an American favorite to assume a powerful, unelected "CEO" position that U.S. officials hoped to create inside the Afghan government. A Western official said Khalilzad had come on the invitation of Mr. Karzai, but a spokesman for Karzai's campaign denied that. In an appearance on Afghan television, Khalilzad indicated that he had come to help Afghans during a difficult election process, but an official in Mr. Abdullah's campaign said they did not want his assistance, saying "We do not need any broker."^[237][248]

On October 17, 2009, the U.N.-backed Electoral Complaints Commission, which had widely been expected to release its findings from the statistics-based audit, delayed the announcement again as U.S. and ally envoys pressured Karzai and Abdullah to state their acceptance of the findings before the ECC announcement and to work out a power-sharing deal. A senior American official made the point of stating that Karzai and Abdullah together won more than 70% of the votes in the first round, ensuring the credibility of a government in which they shared power. A Karzai spokesman indicated that both foreign and Afghan officials were proffering formulas for power sharing, but that Karzai had rejected them and would not discuss power sharing until after a winner is declared. Abdullah also reiterated that he would consider negotiating after the results were announced.^[200][201]

On October 18, 2009, The Telegraph reported that the ECC results were being "delayed as the West asked the men to reach an agreement that would avoid another round of voting." In veiled criticism of Hamid Karzai, White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel made clear that the U.S. would not send more troops to Afghanistan until there is a 'true partner' to work with in Kabul. An expert familiar with the U.S. administration's thinking suggested there was no longer any stomach for an election run-off after the "organisational headaches and risks to American troops" brought by the August 20 ballot, and stated: "There is a clear preference for a deal."^[203]

French foreign minister Bernard Kouchner stated that Karzai and Abdullah were ready to "work together" to find a settlement. A Western diplomat in Kabul said: "The idea now is to reach an agreement in which Karzai's victory at the first round is accepted ..."^[203]

Following the flurry of last-minute phone calls, visits, and statements that U.S. and other Western officials made to Karzai, on October 19, 2009, The New York Times reported an unnamed Western official saying: "In the last 72 hours, I think even Karzai got the message.".^[204]

Demonstrations supporting Karzai took place in Kandahar, in the south of Afghanistan and in Ghazni province in the center of the country. In the district of Spin Boldak, around 3,000 demonstrators gathered in a market, shouting: "We don't want foreigners to interfere in our election."^[204]

Ali Shah Khan, a tribal leader from the area, said the protesters believed that foreigners were deliberately delaying the election results, and stated: "The foreign countries want a weak leader for Afghanistan. After that they can do whatever they want."^[205]

On October 19, 2009, the ECC communicated its fraud investigation result to the IEC, with its unofficially released findings stripping approximately a million votes from Karzai – and bringing his vote share slightly below the critical 50% threshold required to win without a run-off. The continued concerns that Karzai and the IEC, whose members he appointed, might reject the ECC's findings, resulted in continuation of the intense American and ally efforts to pressure Karzai into accepting a power-sharing deal or face a run-off vote.^[206][208]

According to the U.S. Embassy in Kabul, Senator John Kerry made an unplanned stop in Kabul to meet Karzai in the presidential palace "to continue his discussions and consultations". Meanwhile, according to White House spokesperson Robert Gibbs, the U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, former U.S. army general Karl Eikenberry who commanded U.S. and ally forces in Afghanistan in 2005–2007, was also engaged in "delicate but extremely important" efforts to persuade Karzai to accept the U.N. panel's ruling.^[206][208]

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, stating that she had spoken with Karzai a number of times in recent days, announced that Karzai would be making an announcement the next day, saying "He is going to announce his intentions ... I am very hopeful that we will see a resolution in line with the constitutional order in the next several days. But I don't want to pre-empt in any way President Karzai's statement, which will set the stage for how we go forward in the next stage of this." A diplomatic source told The Times that Karzai would make a nationwide address flanked by U.S. Senator John Kerry and U.N. Special Representative to Afghanistan Kai Eide, claiming that Karzai was prepared to make concessions, such as agreeing to a run-off or forming a power-sharing coalition.^{[206][208][210]}

On the other hand, The Times reported^{[dead link‍]} that one of Karzai's senior cabinet ministers, Ismail Khan, who had met with Karzai, said he had been told that a formal challenge will be issued: "He said he will complain against the ECC decision, and demand an investigation into why they cut his votes."^[208]

According to one analysis on October 20, 2009, "Why a weakened President remains the least worst option"^{[dead link‍]} by Tom Coghlan in The Times, the U.S. did not want a run-off to take place, but, rather, was trying to push Karzai into entering a power-sharing deal with his rival, in order to keep him in office but with a "weakened mandate".^[214][249]

On October 20, 2009, after Karzai caved in to intense U.S. and ally pressure that a senior U.S. administration official described as a "full court press", and acceded to a run-off, diplomats said the efforts to get the two men to join forces would now intensify.^[212][213]

On October 21, 2009, U.S. officials, including a U.S. defence official, emphasized that a power-sharing agreement remained a strong possibility as a way of resolving the crisis without going through with the run-off that had just been announced the day before.^[219]

On October 25, 2009, Karzai and Abdullah, responding to questions in separate interviews on U.S. television, both rejected a power-sharing deal before the run-off vote. Karzai, responding to questions in a CNN interview, stated that such a deal would be "an insult to democracy". Abdullah, responding to questions on Fox News, ruled out a deal ahead of the run-off, and, in another interview on CNN, stated he had "absolutely no interest" in joining the government if Karzai won, saying that he would not be "part of the same deteriorating situation". The New York Times wrote that such a coalition would provide the U.S. and NATO with political cover for the continued presence of their military forces "because they would be backing a government that had the support of a vast majority of Afghans."^{[250][251][252][253]}

On October 12, 2009, one of the two Afghan members of the Western-dominated Electoral Complaints Commission resigned over "foreign interference".^[197]

Maulavi Mustafa Barakzai, a judge who ad been appointed to the panel by the Afghan Supreme Court, stated that his resignation was due to the fact that the three UN-appointed Western officials on the panel – an American, a Canadian, and a Dutch – were "making all the decisions on their own" and that Afghans had little input in its decisions.^[197][254]

Barakzai's resignation left the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) with only one Afghan member and three officials from countries with foreign military troops in Afghanistan. The ECC is led by one of the three foreign officials, chairman Grant Kippen.

Karzai said that the resignation Barakzai "cast serious doubt" on the work of the commission.

Mustafa Barakzai, a Supreme Court Judge who was one of two Afghans on the commission, resigned on Monday claiming foreigners were "interfering" in its work. Supporters of Abdullah claimed that Karzai was somehow behind Barakzai's sudden resignation.^[255]

U.S. diplomat Peter Galbraith, fired from his UN post by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on September 30, 2009, after accusing his former boss, UN special envoy Kai Eide, of helping cover up electoral fraud and being biased in favor of Hamid Karzai, further accused the UN of fabricating the reason for his dismissal and of helping to cover up massive electoral fraud committed by Afghan President Hamid Karzai.^{[256][257][258]}

In his statements on October 4, 2009, the American diplomat characterized the Afghan election as a "train wreck", and claimed: "As many as 30% of Karzai's votes were fraudulent, and lesser fraud was committed on behalf of other candidates."^[257]

Galbraith told the Washington Post that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's final instruction before firing him was: "Do not talk".^[257]

On October 11, 2009, Kai Eide referred to Galbraith's allegations as "personal attacks" against his integrity, adding they have "affected the whole election process."^[195]

• Elections in Afghanistan
• 2004 Afghan presidential election
• 2005 Afghan parliamentary election
• War in Afghanistan (1978–present)
• Demography of Afghanistan
• Northern Alliance
• Taliban
• War in Afghanistan (2001–present)
• Civilian casualties of the War in Afghanistan (2001–present)
• Afghan Transitional Administration
• List of Afghan Transitional Administration personnel
• 2009 Iranian presidential election
• International public opinion on the war in Afghanistan
• Bakhtar guest house

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Afghan presidential election, 2009.

• Afghanistan election data Archived March 30, 2010, at the Wayback Machine
• Islamic Republic of Afghanistan – Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) website
• IEC (Independent Election Commission of Afghanistan) website, results page
• FEFA (Free & Fair Election Foundation of Afghanistan) Archived March 1, 2016, at the Wayback Machine website
• United Nations Development Programme – UNDP/ELECT website
• The Re-Election of Hamid Karzai, Institute for the Study of War
• Afghanistan Elections 2009 ongoing coverage by Al Jazeera
• High stakes in Afghan vote recount ongoing coverage from BBC News
• Afghan Elections 2009 from Radio France Internationale
• Afghanistan's Elections ongoing coverage from The Washington Post
• Afghan polling station gave clear image of nothing but a box of tricks^{[dead link‍]}
• Return of the Warlords: Afghan Elections Marred by Fraud, Warlord Dominance – video report by Democracy Now!
• Why a second round? Radio France Internationale
• Afghanistan: anatomy of an election disaster
• Americans pull strings in Afghan election
• Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance, Congressional Research Service January 11, 2010